2. All forces already available in Bulgaria and Romania could be utilized for the ground attacks, one to be launched toward Belgrade from the Sofiya region, the other toward Skoplje from the Kyustendil – Gorna Dzhumaya area. However, approximately one division and sufficient antiaircraft elements must remain in place to protect the vital Romanian oil fields. The guarding of the Turkish frontier was to be left to the Bulgarians for the time being, but, if practicable, one armored division v/as to be kept in readiness behind the Bulgarian frontier security forces.
3. The attack from Austria toward the southeast was to be launched as soon as the necessary forces could be as sembled in the Oaz area. The ultimate decision as to whether Hungarian soil should be used for staging the drive against Yugoslavia was to be lsft to the Army. Security forces along the northern Yugoslav frontier were to be reinforced at once. Even before the main attacks could be launched, vital points should be seized and made secure along the northern and eastern Yugoslav border. Any such limited—objective attacks were to be so timed as to coincide witn the air bombardment of Belgrade.
4. The Luftwaffe was to lend tactical support and cover the ground operations in the vicinity of the Yugoslav border end co-ordinate its efforts with the requirements of the Army. Adequate antiaircraft protection was to be provided in the vital concentration areas around.
Graz, Klagenfurt, Villach, Looben, and Vienna.
Chapter 6. The Plan of Attack.
Working under tremendous pressure, the Army High Command developed the combined, outline plan for the Yugoslav and Greek campaigns within twenty-four hours of the military revolt in Yugoslavia. After this plan had been submitted to and approved by Hitler, it was incorporated into Directive No. 25.
This outline plan envisaged the following offensive operations:
1. One attack force was to drive southward from the former Austrian province of Styria and from southwestern Hungary. This force was to destroy the enemy armies in Croatia and drive southeastward between the Sava and Drava Rivers toward Belgrade. The mechanized divisions of this assault group were to co-ordinate their advance with the other attack forces that were to close in on the Yugoslav capital from other directions so thai, the bulk of the enemy forces would bo unalle to make an orderly withdrawal into the mountains.
2. The second force was to advance toward Belgrade from the Sofiya area in western Bulgaria, take the capital, and secure the Danube so that river traffic could be reopened at an early date.
4. Finally, elements of tha German Twelfth Army, which were poised and ready to invade Greece from Bulgarian bases and had the difficult task of surmounting the hazardous terrain fortified by the Metaxas Line, were to pass through the southern tip of Yugoslavia, execute an enveloping thrust via the Vardar Valley toward Salonika, and thus ease the task of the German forces that were conducting the frontal assault against the Greek fortified positions.
II. The Timing of the Attacks.
In its original version, the outline plan for Operation 25 called for the air bombardment of Belgrade and the ground installations of the Yugoslav Air Force to take place on 1 April, the invasion of Greece — Operation MARITA — on 2 or 3 April, and ground attacks against Yugoslavia between 8 and 15 April.
During the afternoon of 29 March the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army, Generalleutnant (major General) Friedrich Paulus presided over a special conference in Vienna at which the plans of attack and timetable for the operations against Greeco and Yugoslavia were discussed. Present with their respective cniefs of staff were Field Marshal List, the commander of Twelfth Army, Generaloberst (General) Maximilian von Weichs of Second Army, and Generaloberst (General) Ewald von Kleist of the First Panzer Group. Field Marshal List was brought up to date on the changes in the situation necessitated by the Yugoslav campaign, and all commanders were fully briefed on the projected plans for the conduct of the operations. Decisions were reached as to which units were to participate in the various thrusts from Austria and Hungary under the command of Second Army. In addition, the corps headquarters and GHQ units were selected and assigned.
One of the subject: discussed during this meeting was the participation of Germany’s allies and satellites in the Yugoslav campaign. Since the Italians in Albania had demonstrated their inability to mount any offensive operations and the Italian Second Army deployed in northern Italy apparently would not be ready for action until 22 April, any real assistance from that side was not to be expected. At any rate, according to thu German urmy Command plans, the Yugoslav operations would be almost completed by the time the Italians would be ready. The Hungarians ucceded to all German requests for the use of their territory and agreed to take an active part in the operations by committing contingents, which were to be subordinated to the German Army High Command. At the conclusion of the conference, General Paulus proceeded to Budapest to discuss details of the operation with the Hungarian general staff.
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The 6 Types Of Prostitutes And Where They Work.
A prostitute waits for customers at a popular bar district in Shanghai June 7, 2003. Reuters/Claro Cortes IV Business Insider’s Dylan Love recently had his expectations shattered when he reported on a Nevada brothel, but he was actually only getting a glimpse into one type of prostitution.
The sociologist Ronald Weitzer identifies the six most common types of prostitutes and where they work in a fascinating book called “Legalizing Prostitution.”
Weitzer’s book looks at legalized prostitution in other countries and illegal prostitution in America, finding that some sex work is better for women than others. Here are the six types of prostitution, which Weitzer adapted from the book “Immoral Landscape: Female Prostitution in Western Societies” by Richard Symanski.
Independent Call Girl/Escort.
Independent escorts work for themselves in hotels and private buildings like houses, charge high prices, and stay away from the public eye. They likely advertise their services online, and they get to keep their profits since they’re self-employed.
Like independent call girls, employees of escort agencies work in private locations or hotels and charge relatively high prices. (Ex-New York Governor Eliot Spitzer slept with an escort agency employee, Ashley Dupre, for $4,300 a night.) Weitzer says these employees face “moderate exploitation” since they have to give a cut of their earnings to their agencies.
Brothels are dedicated locations where people pay for sex and can include saunas and massage parlors, Weitzer writes. The prices they charge are “moderate,” and brothel workers endure “moderate exploitation” since they have to give part of their earnings to the brothel owners, he said. Licensed brothels are legal in parts of Nevada.
Thistype of prostitution is prevalent in Amsterdam, enticing passersby to enter houses of prostitution by prominently displaying the women in windows. Here’s Weitzer’s excellent description of window work, which pays women a low-to-moderate wage.
In Canada, despite these quasi-legal arrangements, most people who engage in sex work are technically breaking criminal law; it’s difficult not to. It is, for example, illegal to operate a “bawdy house,” or brothel, meaning a sex worker can’t use her home to meet clients. It’s also illegal to assist another person to engage in prostitution, which criminalizes business relationships between sex workers, or to live “on the avails of prostitution of another person,” which makes pimping illegal, whether it’s exploitive or not. Also prohibited: communicating for the purpose of prostitution in a public place.
SFU criminology instructor Tamara O’Doherty says these laws shoulder much of the blame for sex workers’ dismal working conditions, because they exclude them from society, making them vulnerable to predators. O’Doherty also chairs the Vancouver Police Department’s sex industry worker safety action group and is a founding member of First, a feminist organization lobbying to have prostitution decriminalized in Canada. The communicating law, she says, is particularly galling. When a client pulls up to the side of the road to pick up a sex worker, that sex worker can be arrested for speaking to him about any kind of transaction involving sex and money – unless she steps into the car first, since the car is legally not a public place. This law is not designed to keep sex workers safe, O’Doherty argues; it’s a law against nuisance, designed to give police the means to keep them off the streets. She asks, “Is targeting nuisance enough to force people to face the violence that they’re facing, to isolate them from the protective services of police?”
A 2006 parliamentary subcommittee examining these laws was not able to agree on much, but did conclude the status quo was unacceptable. The majority of the committee agreed with past findings that the current laws do more harm than good, and that the government should not interfere with the sexual activities of consenting adults that do not harm others, regardless of whether there’s payment involved. But the Conservative government largely ignored the findings, with Justice Minister Rob Nicholson replying, “This government views prostitution as degrading and dehumanizing. . . . This government condemns any conduct that results in exploitation or abuse, and accordingly does not support any reforms, such as decriminalization, that would facilitate such exploitation. Commodification and exploitation of women is never acceptable.”
Such responses by politicians are typical, according to SFU criminology professor John Lowman, an expert on prostitution law in Canada. In an analysis of the prostitution laws he wrote for the subcommittee, he noted that politicians often say they want to protect women from exploitation, and yet only the street-level sex trade is routinely policed – the part that causes a public nuisance. While politicians denounce prostitution, Lowman writes, they have not made it illegal, and if it is, indeed, legal, they should be saying how it is to be carried out. The price of this doublespeak, he warns, is that politicians are reluctant to address the social problems related to sex work, much less propose solutions, for fear of appearing to support the practice. More pointedly, he argues the communicating law played a pivotal role in creating the environment in which the murders of the Downtown Eastside women could occur. He concludes that prostitution should be decriminalized in Canada, that “a system geared to eradicating prostitution would make it more difficult, if not impossible, to develop safe working conditions for prostitutes.”
Confronted with the rush of sex workers into Hastings North in 2002, BIA president Patricia Barnes and her board decided to make a pact with their neighbouring BIAs in Strathcona and Collingwood. They would stop pushing the sex trade back and forth and try to find other solutions. So they talked for six months in 2004, bringing together business owners, community leaders, police and sex workers to try to find a better answer. It was a painful and difficult process, Barnes says, as sex workers shared their experiences with police officers who had arrested them and business owners who had spat on them. But an understanding slowly emerged that everyone wanted the same thing: the elimination of “survival sex work,” the selling of sex based on desperate need. “The biggest thing that came out of it was a human face from both sides,” Barnes says. “Talking to people as people takes everything to a completely different level.” [pagebreak]
Sex around the world.
The selling of sex is a global concern, and each country has its own way of dealing with it. New Zealand, for example, passed the Prostitution Reform Act in June 2003 to decriminalize and regulate prostitution. Sex workers there must be over the age of 18 and ply their trade in licensed establishments (and those who run such places must hold a valid operator’s certificate). According to the government, the aim of the Act is to provide social and legal control over New Zealand’s sex trade workers while also ensuring their health and safety. Sweden, on the other hand, criminalized the buying of sexual acts in 1999 through their Sex Purchase Law, although it remains legal to sell sex; the thinking there is that prostitution is never a voluntary act. As the Minister for Integration and Gender Equality, Nyamko Sabuni, laid out in a speech last February, combating prostitution and human trafficking for exploitation is part of the government’s plan to “[ensure] women’s and girls’ safety, security and freedom from violence.” (Subsequent amendments to the act extended criminalization to all forms of human trafficking.) In Japan, meanwhile, organized prostitution has been illegal since 1956 – though liberal interpretations of the law have resulted in a flourishing sex trade. Soaplands, which are essentially brothels where clients can go to be soaped up and rubbed down, masquerade as bath houses, while “fashion-health clubs” offer services equivalent to that of a Canadian massage parlour. Most notably, the definition of what constitutes prostitution is restricted to sexual intercourse in Japan, making the sale of sexual favours such as oral sex perfectly legal. – Alexandra Barrow.
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