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“Then they introduce that, ‘We have access to money, so we do what we want, we get respect in the community, we have power and a sense of control. And guess what, this is who we are, and now we’ve got your back and you’re one of us,'” says Scaife.
A girl may feel comfortable around gangs because a family member belongs to one, Scaife says. Or she might start dating a gang member, maybe even meeting him online first. This familiarity opens the door for her to allow gang members to take advantage of her. She may already view herself as property of the gang, and could see having sex with people to benefit her gang family as her duty. It escalates from there.
This type of recruitment is different from the more well established Russian and Chinese sex trafficking rings run by organized crime from these countries. Robert Trent worked in immigration law enforcement for 30 years and is very familiar with the ways they victimize people. While these operations also exploit young women, they prey specifically on people from their countries of origin who they bring to the United States for the purpose of selling them for sex, he says. They don’t recruit Americans.
Law enforcement has traditionally picked up prostitutes, charged them, jailed them, and released them to return to the sex trade. But that’s no longer the norm. It’s much more effective to recognize that the girls gangs have been prostituting are victims and should be treated as such. It helps them, and it helps officers and prosecutors catch the people responsible.
This is what Scaife of Shared Hope International tries to impart to the officers she trains. “My goal is to lay such a strong and deep foundational knowledge about this that they have a natural compassion and understanding, so they’re not immediately put off by the surface aspects, which are the attitude, the defiance,” she says.
These girls don’t self-identify as victims. Most have been convinced by their traffickers and through experience that no adults or police officers can be trusted to help them, so they’ll come across as belligerent or refuse to talk. They’re afraid of their traffickers and don’t believe anyone can get them out of the situations they’re in. That’s why it takes training to recognize their plight and help them get out.
A girl who believes you’re on her side is much more willing to testify against the gang members who took advantage of her. In fact, you’ll have difficulty getting her to speak to you at all unless you make the effort to break through her façade.
Instead of putting her in a standard interview room with a cold table and chairs, put her in a “soft room” with a sofa to sit on and give her a soda and a hamburger. You’ll be amazed at how much something so simple will mean to one of these girls, says Lt.Dan Pratt of Long Beach (Calif.) PD’s Vice Investigations. “And then when our detectives speak in their terminology they get that we understand,” Pratt says. “Once we can communicate that and how we can help them, then they open up.”
He believes that law enforcement viewing prostitutes as victims has made a major impact for the better. But it goes beyond offering food and a kind word to victims. It’s also important for all first responders to know how to recognize the signs of human trafficking so they can respond appropriately. “We don’t want an officer to respond to a domestic violence or child abuse call and not recognize it as human trafficking,” Pratt says.
And being aware of these victims’ possible vulnerabilities, such as abuse at home they may be running away from, helps law enforcement meet their needs. Placing a runaway back in the home isn’t always the best solution, yet it was the only way it was done in the old days. “Since then we’ve clued in to those things and become fully aware and partnered with non-governmental agencies,” Pratt says. “The best thing we do is investigate to find the root cause of why this person is on the street to begin with.”
The Long Beach Police Department and many other agencies work with non-governmental agencies to provide a range of services to girls so they can leave prostitution. “They help them reach their ultimate goal, whether it’s getting a job, or going to school, or going back home,” Pratt says. A drug or alcohol abuse program is usually one of the services needed to help victims get out and stay out of sex trafficking.
Because most gangs run narcotics operations, they can use their easy access to drugs to keep girls under control. In the case of the Northern Virginia Task Force sting Woolf was involved with, the sex traffickers often “paid” girls by giving them a fix of whatever drug they were addicted to and simply kept all of the cash for the gang.
Drugs and alcohol help these victimized girls numb themselves so that they can somehow cope with what they’re being forced to do, sometimes servicing more than 20 johns in a day, says Scaife.
Sex traffickers control girls by giving them only what they need, not what they want. If the trafficker always keeps them wanting, they’ll stay, they reason. It falls to law enforcement to break that cycle by helping the victims and putting away the traffickers.

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20 In 1905, after more than 15 years of colonization in Eritrea, only 2,333 Italians lived there (incl (. ) 21 In May 1936 there were 330,000 Italian soldiers in the region. See Labanca , 2002, p. 189. 22 On prostitution in the Italian colonies in Africa, see Stefani , 2007, p. 130?143. See also the repr (. ) 23 Campassi , 1987, p. 239.
9 The number of Italians in the Horn of Africa, mostly men, grew during the Fascist period, especially during the 1930s. Of course, women were not the first reason for expatriation. At the time of the Italo?Ethiopian war, more than 50,000 unemployed men went to Eritrea to work on road construction and other public works.20 In 1935, hundreds of thousands of soldiers moved to Eritrea to take part in the war in Ethiopia.21 After the occupation of Ethiopia and the creation of the Empire in 1936, at the same time as the launch of a vociferous campaign against “mixed?race” unions and miscegenation, the Fascist government wanted to increase the Italian female population in Africa, and set up training courses in “preparation for the Empire” for women. The regime also wanted to send several professional Italian prostitutes to the colonies (it actually did so, in part).22 However, these projects mostly turned out to be failures and Italian women in Northeast Africa towards the end of the 1930s numbered, at the most, 10,000.23.
Madamato : Practices and legacies.
24 See for example Martini , 1946, I, and Paoli , 1908. 25 Throughout this article, I will use such “conventional” terms as prostitution, concubinage , marriag (. ) 26 Tabet , 2004, p. 158. 27 Stoler , 2002, p. 49, 50.
10 As revealed by colonial sources, ever since the beginning of Italian colonialism, concubinage between Italian men and Northeast African women was a widespread phenomenon in the Italian colonies in the Horn of Africa. 24 Italians would usually refer to colonial concubinage as madamato or madamismo , meaning by these expressions “something” that was neither marriage nor prostitution,25 and which could differ from one case to the other, in terms of feelings, objectives, abuse, and conditions experienced by partners involved in this kind of relationship. As Paola Tabet noted, “relations between sexes are globally impacted by economic transactions. And continuity – meaning a lack of dichotomy or separation between ‘good girls’ and ‘bad girls’, and relations of economic exchange characterized by shifting from one condition to the other, or even the coexistence of different roles and relations for one person – has become increasingly evident through recent researches.”26 Concubinage , in various colonial settings, was a nuanced and sometimes controversial notion that Ann Laura Stoler (referring to different colonial contexts) has described as follows: “ Concubinage was the prevalent term for cohabitation outside marriage between European men and Asian women. But the term ambiguously covered a wide range of arrangements that included sexual access to a non?European woman as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore. […] Concubinage reinforced the hierarchies on which colonial societies were based and made those distinctions more problematic at the same time.”27.
28 On colonial concubinage in Eritrea and local sexual politics, see Barrera , 1996; Sorgoni , 1998. On (. ) 29 In 1898 in Asmara, Martini wrote: “Let’s stop with these ‘ madamas .’ Their use was tolerated: now de (. ) 30 Martini , 1946, I, p. 145. Before the 1929 Concordat, according to the Italian civil code, religious (. ) 31 Pollera , 1922, p. 73. See also Ambrogetti ’s 1900 booklet La vita sessuale nell’Eritrea , p. 5, 15, q (. ) 32 On the life and work of Alberto Pollera , see Sorgoni , 2001. Right before dying in 1939, even if it (. ) 33 Pollera , 1922, p. 73?85. As far as the cultural and intellectual background of these assumptions is (. )
11 Italians called Northeast African concubines madama (an ironic distortion of the French word Madame ) and used the term madamato only to refer to colonial concubinage in the Horn, while the term mabruchismo may have been applied to the much rarer form of concubinage that existed in colonial Libya.28 Before the Fascist regime (1922?1943), when Italians were still prone to spend years in Eritrea, colonial concubinage was usually tolerated by the colonial authority, although at the very end of the 19 th century, writer and politician Ferdinando Martini, Governor of Eritrea between 1897 and 1907, condemned such a practice in his diary.29 According to the same source, Eritrean women believed marriage with an Italian man was official if it conformed with their customs, while Italian men took part in the ceremony just for their own interest or for fun, without committing to it: “ I think we should tread carefully in celebrating these marriages that are only religiously binding. Perhaps the indigenous woman believes that civil and religious marriage are merged into the same ceremony, as is the case in her country. The white man knows that a church wedding does not have any effect according to the civil law. Thus, the white man can cheat, the native woman can be cheated on, and the latter will believe that the union is indissoluble, when it is certainly not the case”.30 Thus, on one hand (through Martini’s words), the male?colonialist discourse was able to negate women’s agency by stressing Northeast African women’s lack of self?consciousness. On the other hand though, the male?colonialist discourse would also assert itself by stressing another opposite and complementary aspect considered specific to colonized women: indeed, the colonizer’s assumption that concubines, courtesans, and prostitutes in colonial contexts were not stigmatized by their own society and the idea that they were, actually, naturally inclined to perform these (somewhat interchangeable) roles was generally widespread and persistent, and also applied to other colonial contexts. Other Italian colonial sources stressed the fact that “Abyssinian women” could be sexually free without being locally stigmatized “because here the freedom of women’s sexual mores has very ancient roots”.31 According to the colonial official and prolific ethnographer Alberto Pollera – who, himself, lived with two “ madamas ” and had several children he formally acknowledged32 – madamato , even if not the optimum coupling solution, was an “inevitability” for young Italians living in the Horn of Africa. According to colonial sources, this land, considered inappropriate for Italian brides, was inhabited by “Abyssinian women” who, thanks to their “Semitic ancestry,” were supposed to easily mate with Italian men and become their concubines.33.

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